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Waves of Migration The exiles' principal motivation for the decision to leave changed over time with the unfolding Cuban revolution. Nelson Amaro and Alejandro Portes (1972) portrayed these motivations as changing from "those who wait" to "those who escape," and finally to "those who search." To update their analysis, I added "those who hope" and "those who despair" (1996).
The immigrants of the first wave (1959-1962) were Cuba's elite: executives and owners of firms, big merchants, sugar mill owners, cattlemen, representatives of foreign companies, and professionals. They left Cuba when the revolution overturned the old social order through measures such as the nationalization of American industry and agrarian reform laws, which caused the U.S. to sever all ties. "Those who wait" characterized these first refugees who imagined a temporary exile, while waiting for American help to overthrow Cuba's new government. After the fiasco of the exiles' Bay of Pigs invasion (April 1961), the exodus doubled and "those who escape" constituted the second phase. Castro called them counterrevolutionaries – gusanos (worms).
The second wave of migration (1965-1974) arrived through the airbridge which resulted when both the U. S. and Cuba negotiated the orderly departure of Cubans. "Those who search" characterized this wave of migration that Alejandro Portes, Juan Clark, and Robert Bach (1977) studied, a group largely composed of the petite bourgeoisie: cooks, gardeners, domestics, street vendors, barbers, hairdressers, taxi drivers, small retail merchants, and small merchants. They left Cuba when Castro launched a new "revolutionary offensive," confiscating over 55,000 small businesses.
With the economic transition to socialism effected in the 1970s, the government cast the shape of the political system and Cuba took on the features of Eastern European communism. The old idealism and romanticism of the 1960s gave way to pragmatism. In 1978, a dialogue took place between the Cuban government and the Cuban community in exile, resulting in the Cuban government's agreement to release political prisoners and promote family reunification by allowing Cubans in the U.S. to visit Cuba. Those visits were partly responsible for the third wave – the chaotic flotilla exodus from the harbor of Mariel in 1980. Towards its end, this wave included Cuba's social undesirables, many of whom had been in prison (whether they were political prisoners, or common criminals who had committed real crimes, or had only challenged the state). Castro called them escoria (scum).
The Marielitos' most salient characteristic was their youth (most were young men, single or without their families) and the much larger presence of Blacks than before. As Robert Bach's (1981/82) studies of the Marielitos highlight, this last group was overwhelmingly working-class. A significant number of young intellectuals came as well, who called themselves "the Mariel generation" (the most famous of whom was Reinaldo Arenas). "Those who hope" might well characterize this wave.
Because of their youth, the Marielitos constituted a different political generation, coming of age long after the initial revolutionary struggle and its enormous sacrifices and affirmations of loyalty. Karl Mannheim (1952) defined a political generation as constituted by individuals of approximately the same age who share, in their coming of age, certain historical experiences that shape their political outlook. Most of the Mariel immigrants grew up during the late 1960s or the 1970s, at a time when problems of freedom of expression became acute, especially for artists and intellectuals, and when deviance, particularly homosexuality, was dealt with by prison sentence. As a result, the Marielitos are a significantly different "vintage." After 20 years of exodus, two exile "vintages" face one another but can hardly comprehend one another. Both groups are politically disaffected, but in markedly different ways. For example, a typical 1960 émigré was an executive, older, male, and White who likely became disaffected by the nationalization of American industry in the early years of the revolution. But a typical 1980 émigré was a bus driver, young, male, and Black who did not mind that nationalization. Instead, he likely believed in the revolution until successive prison terms for his participation in the black market promoted his disaffection.
The fourth wave of the Cuban exodus to the United States developed recently (1985-1994). Cuba's enormous dependence on the Soviet Union created a new economic crisis when communism collapsed in Europe (Mesa-Lago 1994). This severe crisis caused Castro himself to declare it a "perÃodo especial" – a special period that was to have been temporary. But this crisis, coupled with the United States' tightening of the embargo in 1992, led to the abject need and hunger that are daily realities for Cubans. Indeed, Cubans became so desperate that in 1994 they began leaving on balsas (rafts, tires, makeshift vessels) that drifted on the ocean, risking death due to starvation, dehydration, drowning, or sharks. Over 34,000 left that summer. Due to an abrupt change in U. S. policy, the U. S. Coast redirected them to the base at Guantánamo, from where they were eventually resettled throughout the U.S. "Those who despair" constituted this last wave of migration.
The immigrants of the first wave (1959-1962) were Cuba's elite: executives and owners of firms, big merchants, sugar mill owners, cattlemen, representatives of foreign companies, and professionals. They left Cuba when the revolution overturned the old social order through measures such as the nationalization of American industry and agrarian reform laws, which caused the U.S. to sever all ties. "Those who wait" characterized these first refugees who imagined a temporary exile, while waiting for American help to overthrow Cuba's new government. After the fiasco of the exiles' Bay of Pigs invasion (April 1961), the exodus doubled and "those who escape" constituted the second phase. Castro called them counterrevolutionaries – gusanos (worms).
What a man! force all the powerful people out of Cuba with death threats.. and take their positions in the process whilst fleecing billions from the open mouth and fly brigade.
The awkward moment when a Welsh Club become the Champions of England.. shh
The Swansea Way.. To upset the odds.
ILLEGAL immigrants don't adversely affect my life, other than taking free advantage of the perks my taxes pay for, so I don't care much one way or the other.
However, they DO hurt the legal , documented immigrants who DO pay taxes, and the other people they undercut and take jobs from.
But thanks for your input on a subject you obviously know crap about.
Oh dear. Sorry I don't buy into the words "Illegal Immigrant" sounds so nasty.
Just like you don't know f^ck all about Swansea City, even though you try your hardest to pretend you do?
Didn't you claim to meet Kaplan and Jenkins and reassured us that "they get it" but you don't "get it" do you.
Another murderous buffoon hell bent on a power trip?.. Fidel Castro was a BILLIONAIRE, who was against capitalism.
Vladimir Putin is a BILLIONAIRE who is against capitalism.
It's almost like, what is the answer to 1+1?.. but you're such a warped fanatic, it's pointless.
Castro isn't a billionaire or even a millionaire. There have been plenty of bogus claims, but not one bit of proof to back it up. The right wing press up to their usual antics
Castro isn't a billionaire or even a millionaire. There have been plenty of bogus claims, but not one bit of proof to back it up. The right wing press up to their usual antics
F*cking ell.. no security services in the world check bank statements mun..
Fidel Castro was a billionaire.
The awkward moment when a Welsh Club become the Champions of England.. shh
The Swansea Way.. To upset the odds.
There are a lot of Welsh devastated by the loss of Fidel.
The Welsh feel an affinity with small countries and groups of people, we have fought superpowers back in the day and the Welsh are still here, often the Irish and possibly the Scots have similar sentiments.
Irelands foreign policy is often more in line with the Welsh than the English led UK Government foreign policy, obviously not talking about Brit Nat Welsh.
I noticed that one Welsh leader at least is associated with Cymru Cuba, no need to guess , I read the Irish Presidents statement on Fidel after his death which was a nice summing up and appraisal.
Fidel is up there with Ho, they fought imperialism at every turn, I read many years ago that Fidel was an admirer of Glyndwr, how he fought guerrilla warfare against a superpower against overwhelming odds, it was said that Castro was greatly influenced by the Welsh leader.
Continually being banned by Planet Swans for Porthcawl and then being reinstated.
There are a lot of Welsh devastated by the loss of Fidel.
The Welsh feel an affinity with small countries and groups of people, we have fought superpowers back in the day and the Welsh are still here, often the Irish and possibly the Scots have similar sentiments.
Irelands foreign policy is often more in line with the Welsh than the English led UK Government foreign policy, obviously not talking about Brit Nat Welsh.
I noticed that one Welsh leader at least is associated with Cymru Cuba, no need to guess , I read the Irish Presidents statement on Fidel after his death which was a nice summing up and appraisal.
Fidel is up there with Ho, they fought imperialism at every turn, I read many years ago that Fidel was an admirer of Glyndwr, how he fought guerrilla warfare against a superpower against overwhelming odds, it was said that Castro was greatly influenced by the Welsh leader.
An idea isn't responsible for those who believe in it.
One has to wonder whether it was the kicking the Yanks took at the Bay of Pigs that prevented them from carrying out a full scale invasion or that Castro had studied Glyndwrs guerrilla tactics on how to fight a superpower neighbour that deterred them ?
Continually being banned by Planet Swans for Porthcawl and then being reinstated.
One has to wonder whether it was the kicking the Yanks took at the Bay of Pigs that prevented them from carrying out a full scale invasion or that Castro had studied Glyndwrs guerrilla tactics on how to fight a superpower neighbour that deterred them ?
Aye, Glyndwr wrote the text book on how to defend against a bombing raid.
Were you dropped on your head as a baby, just wondering.
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, I read the Irish Presidents statement on Fidel after his death which was a nice summing up and appraisal. 
